11-01-2010
Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation (Thailand)
"The Thai-Cambodian diplomatic dispute, coupled with the deportation of 4,500 Hmong refugees at the end of last year, left a huge scar on Thai diplomacy. It made a mockery of the country's much professed human-rights oriented policy and standing"
Entering its second year, Thailand's government under Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva will pay more attention to Thai diplomacy and strategic interests. His government's ultimate aim is to fit the country, individually and as an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) member, into the regional and broader Asia-Pacific region in the next decade, especially within the current effort to build regional architectures.
While political uncertainties and polarisation continue to haunt the government, Abhisit will have more time in coming months to focus on key foreign policy issues that would bring back investors' confidence and increase employment as well as public and private corporate social responsibility. Notably, no other Thai government in recent memory has put so much energy into ensuring the proper image of Thailand in the global stage as the Abhisit government.
Last year, Thailand was in a big mess, resembling almost a failed state, confronted with a series of continuous political crises. Governing the country became a daily high-wire crisis management job, making long-term and strategic plans almost impossible. Worse still, the internal turmoil seriously impacted on the Thai chairmanship of Asean when the scheduled Pattaya Summit was postponed, further delaying declarations and overall cooperation.
The threat of using force by the government's opponents also placed subsequent summit preparations constantly in a standby mode, turning into endless sources of bilateral bickering and ridicule between the host and the colleagues from Asean and dialogue partners.
Given the do-or-die circumstance of the past 12 months, Abhisit and Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya have done relatively well in coping with myriads of challenges from within and abroad. Their achievements could have been given greater value if not for the year-end negative developments. The Thai-Cambodian diplomatic dispute, coupled with the deportation of 4,500 Hmong refugees at the end of last year, left a huge scar on Thai diplomacy. It made a mockery of the country's much professed human-rights oriented policy and standing.
Right after the government took power last January, the government was flabbergasted by the widespread reports of torture and forced repatriation at sea by the Thai authorities of the Rohingya asylum seekers from Burma.
Despite continuous severe attacks and criticism from the international community, the Abhisit government managed to allay fear that they would not be pushed back without a proper screening process from UN-related and humanitarian organisations.
Somehow, the Abhisit government was unable to do the same with the Hmong who have been living here for the past three decades. Again, the repatriation brought universal condemnation.
Throughout the tumultuous Asean chairmanship, Thailand faced a huge dilemma - how could it speak for the conservative Asean, without undermining its own outward looking foreign policy objectives?
At certain points, it was extremely difficult to distinguish the Thai and Asean policies as diplomatic parlance and activities got blurred, because the Asean chair must speak on behalf of the bloc as well as itself.
The aborted joint Asean appeal asking for a pardon for Burma's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, last fall was a case in point. Kasit thought the time had come when Thailand and Asean must take a stronger stand on Burma-related issues, particularly on Suu Kyi's fate and push for a national reconciliation process.
With flurries of diplomatic activity at the global level on Burma, Asean also needed to intensify engagement with its pariah member. Securing Suu Kyi's freedom and wishing for a democratic Burma - Thailand's longstanding wish-list - quickly crumbled when it took on the Asean initiative.
With a long common border, Thailand has to shoulder all political, economic and social problems emanating from Burma's oppressive regime. Other Asean members did not care that much.
Thailand's overwhelming support for the role of civil society groups in the Asean top-down decision making process was another good example. It was far too progressive and subsequently was blocked by most of the Asean members that have yet to recognise the work of non-government organisations in the region.
At the forthcoming Asean summit under the chair of Vietnam, the interface between the Asean leaders and representatives from Asean-based civil society groups used in the previous two summits, will no longer apply. It is not compulsory for Asean leaders to meet up with people-oriented delegates. Earlier, Thailand's strong advocacy for more human rights protection in Asean was quickly neutralised by the strong Asean objection.
No wonder, the government's nine-point comprehensive foreign policy announced on December 30, 2008 was unable to implement in totality. Thai diplomatic objectives, while seeking to promote universal norms and standards, are just not compatible with Asean thinking as they are considered too progressive.
Looking back, the government succeeded only partially in pushing forward at least five diplomatic agenda: developing ties with neighboring countries; trying to make Asean a people-centred organisation;strengthening cooperation and strategic partnership with major powers; promoting the country's interaction with the global community in setting international standards on important transnational issues including human rights; promoting public awareness and understanding of global changes that affect Thailand so as to forge consensus in the formulation and conduct of foreign policy.
The remaining four objectives - promoting close cooperation with Muslim countries; supporting entry to international agreements including ratifications; building the country's confidence and people-to-people understanding in the international community; protecting and promoting Thai interests overseas - will be the main focus of this year's diplomatic efforts.
It was unfortunate that the Thai-Cambodian dispute received all the media attention and coverage, giving the impression of the government's obsession with Cambodia and its leadership links with fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra. Truth be told, Thailand's present relations with other neighbours including Laos, Vietnam, Malaysia and Indonesia are very good, marked by closer cooperation and concrete progress.
Later this month, Abhisit will attend the 40th World Economic Forum at Davos, where he left his mark on global leaders last year.
This time, he must be even more prudent in presenting his country's credentials because the world is watching and needs to be convinced that Thailand is led by a visionary, and is not a banana republic in the making, as generally perceived.
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